The Case
Against Permitting Physician-Assisted Suicide for ‘Competent’ Adults with
‘Terminal Conditions’
James Bopp, Jr.
Richard E.
Coleson
The story
of Tim illustrates poignantly an underlying social issue at stake in the legal
debate over physician-assisted suicide for terminally ill patients. Aside from
the constitutional issues, a question of great social import must be asked: Is
helping people to kill themselves an appropriate response to the life
conditions which cause them to ask for such ‘help’?
Tim was a
patient of Dr. Herbert Hendin, a leading expert on the subject of suicide.1
Dr. Hendin is Professor of Psychiatry at the New York Medical College and
Executive Director of the American Suicide Foundation in New York City. A young
professional in his early thirties, Tim was referred to Dr. Hendin for
psychiatric consultation after being diagnosed as having acute myelocytic
leukemia. With treatment, Tim would have a twenty-five percent chance of
survival; without treatment, he would certainly die within a few months.
Tim’s
immediate response to this life crisis was a desperate desire for suicide. He
also wanted help in carrying it out. He was preoccupied with concerns about
being dependent and unwilling to tolerate the symptoms of his disease or the
side effects of the treatment. Due to these preoccupations, Tim could not even
consider how he felt about death and its meaning to him. However, with
counseling, Tim was able to talk about the possibility or likelihood of his
death. He was able to express what it meant to him in terms of separation and
bodily disintegration. As a result, his desperate avoidance subsided.
Tim decided
to undergo medical treatment and complained little about its unpleasant side
effects. He spent the remaining months of his life connecting with his wife and
parents in ways that were moving and meaningful to him. Two days before he
died, he talked about what he would have missed without the time and
opportunity for a loving parting.
Dr. Hendin
observed that Tim’s expectation of painful circumstances surrounding his dying
was not irrational. However, all his anxieties about death and dying were
displaced onto amplifying them. Many patients and physicians displace anxieties
about death onto the circumstances of dying C e.g., anxieties about pain,
dependence, loss of dignity, as well as the unpleasant side effects resulting
from medical treatment, or, for the physician, frustration of not being able to
offer a sure cure.
Dr. Hendin
noted that, if assisted suicide had been legal, such as under Oregon’s new law,
Ballot Measure 16, Tim would probably have requested assisted suicide. Since he
was mentally competent and not clinically depressed, he would surely have
qualified and been accepted for such assistance. Consequently, he likely would
have committed suicide in an unrecognized state of terror without the chance to
die in the dignified way he did.
In
presenting the legal case against statutorily permitting physician-assisted
suicide for competent adults with terminal conditions, the primary focus of
this article will be the constitutional and statutory issues based on American
law. Yet the backdrop to the constitutional debate is made up of real people in
real crises, such as Tim. What does society say to Tim if it grants and
facilitates his desire to kill himself because he is terminally ill? Is helping
Tim kill himself an appropriate way for society to deal with his crisis
situation?
The New
York State Task Force on Life and the Law (hereinafter ‘New York Task Force’)
considered these questions and concluded, in an exhaustive study entitled When
Death Is Sought: Assisted Suicide and Euthanasia in the Medical Context,2
that
[w]hen a patient requests assisted suicide or euthanasia, a health care professional should explore the significance of the request, recognize the patient’s suffering, and seek to discover the factors leading to the request. These factors may include insufficient symptom control, clinical depression, inadequate social support, concern about burdening family or others, a sense of hopelessness, spiritual despair, loss of self-esteem, or fear of abandonment. These issues should be addressed in a process that involves both family members and health care professionals.
Any response to a request for assisted suicide or euthanasia is morally
weighty. A ready agreement to the request could confirm a patient’s sense of
despair and worthlessness.3
Dr. Richard
Fenigsen4 echoes this concern about the message sent to vulnerable
members of society by the approval of euthanasia, a concern which logically
extends to assisted suicide:
Instead of the message a humane society sends to its members C
“Everybody has the right to be around, we want to keep you with us, everyone of
you” C the society that embraces euthanasia, even the ‘mildest’ and most
‘voluntary’ forms of it, tells people: “We wouldn’t mind getting rid of you.”
This message reaches not only the elderly and the sick, but all the weak and
dependent.5
In sum,
requests for suicide are usually the result of a treatable condition. Agreeing
with and assisting in a request for suicide is essentially an abandonment of a
person desperately in need of help. Assistance in suicide is not an appropriate
societal response to a request for suicide.
In
addressing the constitutional issues surrounding physician-assisted suicide,
two key legal issues arise: (1) does a constitutional right to suicide and
assistance in suicide exist and (2) may a state extend protections against self
harm and assistance in suicide to some of its citizens yet deprive other
citizens of those protections? Particular emphasis will be placed on the
rulings of two federal court rulings in the United States, Compassion in
Dying v. Washington,6 which rejected a constitutional right to
assisted suicide and Lee v. Oregon,7 which struck down the
world’s first law legalizing assisted suicide adopted by the State of Oregon.
These issues will be dealt with after an examination of the modern research on
why persons seek suicide and assisted suicide.
Why do
people seek suicide? The experts point to several treatable conditions which
lead persons to seek suicide.
A major
reason people seek suicide is because they are suffering from depressive
illness or some other emotional or psychiatric problem which prevents them from
making rational decisions. For the sake of brevity, these problems are
generally referred to collectively in this article as ‘depression.’
Suicides
rarely occur in the absence of major psycho- pathology. According to the
findings from the large community based psychological autopsy studies,
ninety-four percent or more of the subjects qualified for a psychiatric
diagnosis at the time of the suicide (except for one study which arrived at the
figure of eighty-eight percent).8 Major affective disorder and/or
substance abuse disorders were implicated in fifty-seven percent to eighty-six
percent of all suicides, with affective disorder the more common diagnosis.9
The same
facts hold true for persons with a diagnosis of a terminal illness. “In one
study of terminally ill patients, of those who expressed a wish to die, all met
diagnostic criteria for major depression. Like other suicidal individuals,
patients who desire suicide or an early death during a terminal illness are
usually suffering from a treatable mental illness, most commonly depression.”10
A
statistical link between terminal illness and an increased risk of depression
and suicide also exists. “Individuals with serious chronic and terminal illness
face an increased risk of suicide C some studies suggest that the risk for
cancer patients is about twice that of the general population.”11 A
critical life stress can trigger emotional distress which may last for several
weeks. In fact,
[m]ost crisis intervention models allow a minimum of five weeks
for resolution of the acute emotional disorder attending major personal loss.
Crisis counselors recognize that the judgment of a person who is legally
competent and grossly oriented to reality and logic may nonetheless be
emotionally distorted when reacting to overwhelming loss. Clients in crisis
therapy are, therefore, cautioned not to make any major decisions within five
weeks of a critical life stress.12
Because
being diagnosed with a terminal illness is a critical life stress, the odds
increase that anyone diagnosed with a terminal illness will suffer a period of
such emotional incapacity. During this time, the individual is incapable of
making rational life decisions, despite the fact of apparent competence.
The New
York Task Force summed up the link between terminal illness and depression as
follows:
Depression may coincide with other medial conditions for several
reasons. First, the medical condition may biologically cause depression.
Second, the condition may trigger depression in patients who are genetically
predisposed to depression. Third, the presence of illness or disease can
psychologically cause depression, as is often observed in patients with cancer.
Finally, especially for cancer patients, some treatments or medications have
side effects that cause depressive moods or symptoms.13
On the
other hand,
[i]t is a myth . . . that severe clinical depression is a normal and
expected component of terminal illness. Healthy individuals, including health
care professionals, often believe that it is normal for terminally ill patients
to experience major depression. They understand feelings of hopelessness as
expected and rational given the patient’s condition and prognosis.14
In sum, few
terminally ill patients wish to commit suicide unless they have depressive
illness as well.15 In fact, only two to four percent of persons who
commit suicide are terminally ill,16 indicating that most terminally
ill persons do not want to kill themselves absent some other problem. “Among
older persons, for whom chronic painful illnesses are not uncommon, only 0.5
percent of male deaths and 0.2 percent of female deaths are attributable to
suicide.”17 Consequently, physical illness is not the only basis for
a suicide decision when people commit suicide following physical illness.18
However, even though persons with a terminal disease are not normally prone to
suicidal desires, such persons are at a demonstrably higher risk for suicide,
most commonly as a result of depression.
However, if
diagnosed, even severe depression may be alleviated by prompt treatment.19
Unfortunately, many persons take their lives during an acute depressive episode
that would have responded well to modern treatments.20
Despite the
danger and pervasiveness of depression, it is seldom diagnosed. Many physicians
are not competent to accurately assess depression,21 “especially in
complex cases such as patients who are terminally ill. When an assessment is
performed, the medical illness may obscure indicia of depression, rendering the
diagnosis difficult.”22 Many physicians receive little, if any,
training in recognizing and evaluating depression.23 In fact,
[e]ven psychologists and psychiatrists who routinely treat and diagnose
depression may have limited experience doing so for patients who are terminally
or chronically ill. For those patients, clinicians must be able to distinguish
realistic sadness and sense of loss that accompanies such illness from severe
clinical depression or the psychiatric disorders that impair decision-making
capacity. These disorders are prevalent in those patients who ultimately choose
to commit or attempt suicide.24
Moreover,
even if depression is diagnosed, it is often undertreated.25 As a
result, terminally ill persons with undiagnosed and/or undertreated depression
are at risk for seeking suicide.
Unrelieved
pain and suffering is another reason individuals seek suicide.26
“[P]ain is closely linked to physical disability, depression, and feelings of
hopelessness. Depression and anxiety in turn often augment the patient’s
experience of pain.”27 Many physicians are not well-trained in pain
management and, as a result, permit their patients to endure pain which could
be avoided.28 “[T]he delivery of pain relief is grossly inadequate
in clinical practice.”29 When a primary-care physician is unable to
control a patient’s pain, the patient needs to be referred to an
interdisciplinary palliative care team for relief from the pain.30
“Taken together, modern pain relief techniques can alleviate pain in all but
extremely rare cases.”31
Similarly,
when persons are experiencing psychological suffering, e.g., from social
isolation or difficulty in coping with the limitations of a disability, they
often feel suicidal.32 Such persons need to be referred for
“continuing care or supportive care,” which seeks “relief from pain and other
distressing symptoms, psychological and personal support for the patient and
family, and assistance to help the patient maintain his or her daily
activities, independence, and dignity.”33
Another
reason persons seek suicide is substance abuse. Dr. David Clark, an expert in
suicidology, says that up to eighty-six percent of persons who commit suicide
suffer from a major affective disorder and/or substance abuse.34
Obviously, such persons need to be referred to an expert in treating the
disorder and/or the substance abuse.
Another
reason for suicide is psychological pressure. Depression and the physical
weakness resulting from physical debilitation make patients with terminal
disease highly susceptible to undue influence and psychological pressure in the
form of suggestions that their lives are not worth living.35
According to sociologist Menno Bolt:
Suicidal persons are succumbing to what they experience as an
overpowering and unrelenting coercion in their environment to cease living.
This sense of coercion takes many familiar forms: fear, isolation, abuse,
uselessness, and so on.36
Professor
Yale Kamisar questions what will be the effect of a regime of legal assisted
suicide on persons subject to this psychological pressure:
Will these pressures intensify in a society that sanctions assisted suicide (and thereby suicide as well)? In a suicide-permissive society, will family members so inclined be more likely to alter or manipulate a sick, elderly person’s circumstances (for example, by providing shoddy or even hostile care) so that suicide becomes a reasonable, even an attractive choice?
In a climate in which suicide is the ‘rational’ thing to do, or at least
a “reasonable option, will it become the unreasonable thing not to do?
The noble thing to do? In a suicide-permissive society plagued by
shortages of various kinds and a growing population of ‘nonproductive’ people,
how likely is it that an old or ill person will be encouraged to spare both
herself and her family the agony of a slow decline, even though she would not
consider suicide on her own?”37
Clearly,
the overwhelming majority of persons who express a suicidal wish do so because
of a treatable problem and will cease to desire suicide if the problem is
resolved. Therefore, the states further many important individual, as well as
social, interests by enacting laws to prevent self-harm.
In Compassion
in Dying v. Washington,38 five separate interests were catalogued.
The interests include:
State laws
prohibiting physician-assisted suicide promote an
interest in not having physicians in the role of killers of their
patients . . . The physician’s constant search for ways to combat
disease would be affected, if killing were as acceptable an option for the
physician as curing . . . The physician’s commitment to curing is the
medical profession’s commitment to medical progress.39
Across-the-board
restrictions preserve an
interest in not subjecting the elderly and even the not-elderly but
infirm to psychological pressure to consent to their own deaths . . .
“Once the physician suggests suicide or euthanasia, some patients will feel
they have few, if any alternatives, but to accept the recommendation.”40
Preventing
suicide assistance promotes an
interest in protecting the poor and minorities from exploitation
. . . [These populations would be especially at risk because they]
are notoriously less provided for in the alleviation of pain [and because of]
the desire to reduce the cost of public assistance by quickly terminating a
prolonged illness.41
Protections
from self-harm further an
interest in protecting all the handicapped from societal indifference
and antipathy . . . The vulnerability of such persons to
physician-assisted suicide is foreshadowed in the discriminatory way that a
seriously-disabled person’s expression of a desire to die is interpreted. When
the nondisabled say they want to die, they are labelled as suicidal; if they
are disabled, it is treated as ‘natural’ or ‘reasonable.’42
Finally,
such laws support an
interest in preventing abuse similar to what has occurred in the
Netherlands where, since 1984, legal guidelines have tacitly allowed assisted
suicide or euthanasia . . . [and] 8 percent of all deaths, and
arguably more, come from direct measures taken to end the person’s life
without a contemporaneous request to end it.43
To protect
these important interests, most states have enacted a variety of laws to
prevent self-harm. Such laws include:
Criminal
bans against assisted suicide exist in many states.44 In addition,
assisted suicide is punishable under other laws in some states. For example,
the Michigan Supreme Court recently held that Jack Kevorkian could be
prosecuted under Michigan common law for the felony of assisting suicide even
absent a specific assisted suicide statute.45
Protective
intervention laws allow individuals to act to stop a suicide without concern
that they will be charged with battery or confinement.46
All states
provide protective civil commitment of persons who attempted to harm
themselves. The commitment in a mental care facility is for the purpose of
getting expert professional assistance for the suicidal individuals until the
desire to harm themselves passes.47
Codified in
the preceding statutes are two important presumptions, drawn from the facts
discovered by modern suicidology. First, persons seeking to harm themselves are
suffering from a treatable condition. If the condition is treated, the desire
for self harm will cease. Second, persons seeking to harm themselves because
they are suffering from a treatable condition need expert professional care.
Professional
discipline of physicians is another protection provided by all states. A
physician who violates professional ethics may be disciplined. Under the
American Medical Association’s code of ethics, a physician is forbidden from
involvement in assisted suicide.48
Medical
malpractice also provides persons important protections against treatment below
the appropriate standard of care which harms a patient. In most states, this
protects individuals from harm as a result of physician involvement in suicide.
In
preparing for our discussion of Lee v. Oregon which struck down Oregon‘s
law, Ballot Measure 16, which legalized assisted suicide, it is appropriate to
note at this point that Oregon provides all these presumptions and protections
for its citizens. However, Ballot Measure 16 carves out an exception for one
class of persons, those with a prognosis of less than six months to live. For
that class, the presumptions are reversed: (1) a request for suicide is not
presumed automatically to be a result of a treatable problem and (2) immediate expert
professional assistance is not presumed to be required for such person. Of
course, these presumptions fly in the face of the facts established by
scientific studies in the field of suicidology. Given the statistically
demonstrated connections between terminal illness, depression, and suicide,
persons with a terminal disease are placed in danger by this loss of
protections afforded other citizens. This will be discussed more fully below in
the equal protection analysis.
First,
however, we must briefly consider whether a constitutional right to assisted
suicide exists. If so, then the practice must be permitted unless competing
state interests in limiting suicide are truly compelling.
Several
recent cases have been brought in the United States asserting a constitutional
right to assisted suicide. Recent decisions by the federal Court of Appeals in
San Francisco,49 a federal district court in New York,50
and the Michigan Supreme Court51 have agreed that there is no
constitutionally protected right to assisted suicide. The primary
constitutional theories advanced in each case include: (1) a fundamental
constitutional right to assisted suicide is part of the ‘liberty’ guaranteed by
the Due Process Clause of the United States Constitution; and (2) laws against
assisted suicide violate the guarantee of equal protection of the laws found in
the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment of the U.S.
Constitution.
The Due
Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution
guarantees that no “State [may] deprive any person of life, liberty, or
property, without due process of law.”52 The ‘liberty clause’ was
originally intended to guarantee correct judicial procedures (‘procedural due
process’) before a state could execute, incarcerate, or fine a citizen.
However, the United States Supreme Court has given ‘liberty’ a ‘substantive’
meaning as well by finding that the due process guarantee forbids any state
interference with certain substantive rights otherwise unmentioned in the
Constitution’s text, no matter what judicial procedures are employed. Legal
scholars refer to this approach as ‘substantive,’ as opposed to ‘procedural,’
due process.
A few
examples demonstrate this approach. In the case of Griswold v. Connecticut,53
the U.S. Supreme Court recognized a constitutional right for married couples to
use contraceptive measures.54 The Court believed that this interest
was substantively protected under the Due Process Clause as a ‘right of
privacy’.55 In Roe v. Wade,56 the Court expanded
this substantive guarantee to include abortion,57 but in Bowers
v. Hardwick58 it rejected a claim that the right of privacy
encompassed homosexual sodomy.59
Advocates
of legalized assisted suicide assert that the courts should recognize a
constitutional right to assisted suicide under the right of privacy or as a
liberty guaranteed by the Due Process Clause, so that states could no longer
forbid the practice. How does one evaluate such a claim? The U.S. Supreme Court
has created a three-step analysis to determine whether the Constitution extends
substantive due process protection to an individual interest.
The first
step is to frame the private interest at stake in a concrete, fact-sensitive
manner.60 For example, in Bowers, a majority of the Supreme
Court rejected efforts by advocates of a right to homosexual sodomy to broadly
define the interest at stake. Thus, the Court rejected such characterizations of
a right to homosexual sodomy as a person’s right to independently “define one’s
identity”61 or the “right to differ as to things that touch the
heart of the existing order”62 or the right “to make certain
unusually important decisions that will affect his own, or his family’s,
destiny.”63 Rather, the majority narrowed its focus to “the claimed
constitutional right of homosexuals to engage in acts of sodomy.”64
When a
right to assisted suicide is asserted, the interest at stake must necessarily
be the ‘right to assisted suicide.’ Framing the interest more broadly, such as
the ‘right to make important decisions’ or the ‘right to decide the course of
one’s life’ is unhelpful.65 At stake is a specific activity subject
to a particular state policy. So the constitutional analysis must focus on the
right of individuals to engage in that specific activity in relation to the
right of the state to enforce its particular policy.
The next
step determines whether the particular interest at stake is generally recognized
as fundamental in the history and tradition of the people of the United States.66
The inquiry here focuses on how the American people, acting through their laws,
have treated the specific activity, and takes into objective account whether
the activity is essential to the maintenance of our system of laws. If
historically the asserted right has been consistently protected by American
law, such as the right to marry or the right of parents to supervise the
upbringing and education of their children, then it is likely that the court
will find the activity to be a right to be protected by the constitution. If
however the activity has been prohibited or circumscribed by law historically,
it will not be found to be a protected right under the United States Constitution.
This step ensures that constitutional rights will not be created merely at whim
by judicial predilection.
American
history and tradition have condemned assisted suicide as a crime with good
reason,67 belying any claim that assisted suicide has been a
historically protected freedom. As a result, there can be no constitutional
mandate recognizing a right to assisted suicide.
Finally,
the substantive due process analysis asks whether, if a fundamental right
exists, there are state interests which are so weighty, i.e., ‘compelling,’ as
to allow a state to regulate even a fundamental constitutional right.68
Thus, even if a fundamental liberty to choose assisted suicide existed, the
next question would be whether any ‘compelling’ state interests override this
liberty and justify its regulation. In the case of assisted suicide, compelling
state interests in barring assisted suicide to protect vulnerable individuals
and groups do exist.69 Some of these compelling interests, as set
forth by the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit in Compassion
in Dying v. Washington, are set out supra.70
The United
States courts have likewise rejected a right to assisted suicide asserted by
advocates of legalized assisted suicide under the Equal Protection Clause. The
Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment guarantees that no “State
[shall] . . . deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal
protection of the laws.”71 Advocates of legalized assisted suicide
have argued that persons requesting suicide assistance are similarly situated
to persons refusing life-sustaining treatment. They assert that laws permitting
assistance in the removal of life-sustaining treatment but barring suicide
assistance denies equal protection to persons seeking to end life by active
means.
Yet a
bright line exists between allowing nature to take its course by refusing
medical treatment, and taking active measures to terminate life. The former
decision involves the intent to be relieved of the burdensome or futile
treatment, while the latter involves the intent to terminate life. Refusing
treatment vindicates an interest against bodily invasion while consenting to
suicide assistance involves a bodily invasion. Refusal of medical treatment
results in death from the underlying terminal condition, while assisted suicide
introduces the fatal agent. Thus the state has legitimate reasons for
distinguishing between the two actions in furtherance of its interest in
preventing direct attacks on life and in protecting vulnerable persons.72
Because
there is no constitutional right to either suicide or assisted suicide in the
United States, states may criminalize assisted suicide.73 However,
what if a state decides to allow assisted suicide for some of its citizens
while offering others legal protections from self harm? Is that
constitutionally permissible? That is the issue raised by the State of Oregon’s
recently adopted Ballot Measure 16.
In the
November 1994 election, voters in the State of Oregon74 approved
Ballot Measure 16, billed as providing for ‘voluntary’ assisted suicide for
competent adults with a terminal disease.75 The relevant parts of
the statutory scheme include:
The class
of persons who may choose assisted suicide is made up of those who are
diagnosed as having a terminal disease, which is incurable and irreversible, with
less than six months to live.76
A qualified
person “may make a written request for medication for the purpose of ending his
or her life. . . .”77 Ballot Measure 16 authorizes state-licensed
physicians to issue to persons who are terminally ill a lethal prescription
without legal or disciplinary consequences to the physician C e.g., for
erroneous diagnosis as to terminal illness or for writing a prescription which
leaves a patient in a coma rather than dead C provided he or she acts in ‘good
faith.’78 The patient is then free to take the lethal prescription
at any time in the future without supervision.
Because
Ballot Measure 16 by its own terms is intended only to apply to ‘voluntary’
requests for assistance in suicide,79 and was so presented to the
voters, the law has certain provisions to attempt to limit the law’s
application to only those intended to be ‘benefited’ by it.80
However, these are inadequate, as set forth below, both as to what they provide
and fail to provide.
In
evaluating the adequacy of Oregon’s provisions, it is noteworthy that advocates
of legalized assisted suicide have often identified certain safeguards as
essential, yet many such safeguards are missing from the Oregon scheme. These
will be discussed in context. Ultimately, the lack of adequate safeguards
proved to be of constitutional significance because the federal judge, in Lee
v. Oregon, struck down the Oregon law because of this deficiency.
Most
advocates of legalized assisted suicide insist that an examination by a mental
health expert must be part of a legalized assisted suicide regime.81
Yet Ballot Measure 16 allows a primary-care physician to make the determination
of whether the terminally ill patient is competent and without before the patient
is to be referred for psychiatric evaluation. This is clearly inadequate with
regard to the need to accurately diagnose depression or other mental and/or
emotional disability. Most persons who commit suicide do so as a result of
depression, most primary care physicians are not specially trained in
diagnosing depression, and even mental health professionals find it difficult
without special training and experience to diagnose depression in the
terminally ill.82 Thus, there is a significant risk that the
terminally ill patient’s depression will not be diagnosed and the patient may
consent to assisted suicide because of a psychiatric illness rather than a
rational decision.
In
addition, Ballot Measure 16 provides that the attending primary care physician
needs to refer a patient for expert psychiatric counseling only if, in his or
her opinion, the “patient may be suffering from . . . depression causing
impaired judgment.”83 Importantly, under the law, a patient may
be suffering from diagnosed depression and still obtain assisted suicide,
provided a physician without training in psychology or psychiatry C not to
mention the specialized expertise of a mental health care professional
regularly treating terminally ill and geriatric patients84 C
determines that the depression is not causing impaired judgment. This will
result in numerous requests for assisted suicide being granted when depression
is undiagnosed or ignored (for not being deemed severe enough to impair
judgment).
Thus,
Ballot Measure 16 disregards the normal presumption that persons making a
suicide request are doing so as a result of a mental or emotional disorder that
requires professional intervention and treatment. Instead it creates a new
presumption that a suicide request by a terminally ill person is not a result
of depression. By removing from consideration one of the prime indicators of
depression, this new presumption under Ballot Measure 16 will undoubtedly lead
to more cases of missed and under-rated signs of depression and emotional incapacity.
Moreover, Ballot Measure 16 removes all penalty for misdiagnosis or
underdiagnosis by exempting physicians from any “civil or criminal liability or
professional disciplinary action for participating in good faith compliance
with this Act.”85 By providing that one may act merely in ‘good
faith,’ Ballot Measure 16 exacerbates the diagnosis problem. Now, without
adequate training or any incentives to diagnose with due care, and guided by a
legal presumption favoring assistance in suicide rather than treatment for
suicidal ideation, primary care physicians are all that stand between the
depressed terminally ill and the mistaken termination of their lives.
The only
second opinion that is required to be obtained by the attending physician is
that of another physician.86 However, this provision is inadequate
because a physician may refer the matter for ‘confirmation’ to a colleague who
C for whatever reason C will not closely and independently scrutinize the
referral. Thus, it does not provide for an independent medical examination by a
physician not chosen by the attending physician for the purpose of confirming
the diagnosis.
Ballot
Measure 16 also lacks safeguards requiring independent oversight over the
request for, and implementation of, an assisted suicide decision. It fails to
mandate a probate court’s review,87 for example, and does not
require:
“[c]onsultation with a certified social worker and/or an independent
living specialist currently employed by a center for independent living
established under the federal Rehabilitation Act of 1973, as amended, in order
to: a) fully explore social service and support services which might assist the
individual in living in comfort and dignity, including the prognosis, expected
outcome and health care implications of those alternatives and supports; and b)
address and document barriers, including financial barriers, which prevent the
individual from accessing identified community or other social service
supports.”88
Ballot
Measure 16 likewise fails to require “[a] consultation with at least one other
expert who could provide meaningful support and assistance to ameliorate the
unbearable suffering of that individual. For persons with who have a terminal
disease, this should include a consultation with [a] Hospice professional.”89
Absent such safeguards, the patient cannot give a truly informed consent to
receiving the lethal overdose90 or voluntarily waive her rights to
Oregon’s life-protective measures.
In order
for the lethal overdose to be prescribed, the patient must make two oral and
one written request for assisted suicide over a fifteen day period and,
forty-eight hours later, the lethal overdose may be prescribed.91
However, Ballot Measure 16 does not adequately safeguard persons with a
terminal illness because this time period is insufficient for resolution of the
depression, given the high probability of undiagnosed depression or depression
misdiagnosed as not sufficient to cause impaired judgment prior to the writing
of the prescription. A patient with undiagnosed or misdiagnosed depression
would likely not come out of the depression in such a short time, especially
without professional counseling and, possibly, medication.
In
addition, Ballot Measure 16 fails to adequately eliminate opportunities for
undue influence.92 As a group, patients who have a terminal disease
and persons with depression are highly vulnerable to suggestions that their
lives are not worth living. The more depressed they are, the more vulnerable
they become. In addition, these patients become increasingly weak and compliant
because of the debilitating effect of disease on their body. This increases
their vulnerability to undue influence and psychological pressures by family
members and health care providers. However, Ballot Measure 16 does not
adequately safeguard against such pressures because it does not provide for an
independent investigation regarding the existence of undue influence before
physicians comply with a request for assisted suicide.93
Ballot
Measure 16 lacks an adequate safeguard pertaining to family notice because the
notice requirement is optional with the patient and, if done, is done by the
person seeking suicide.94 Ordinarily, family members are natural
guardians against undue influence and psychological pressure to self harm.95
However, the same debilitation and depression that leaves persons who have the
disability of a terminal disease susceptible to undue influence may make them
reluctant to notify their family of a decision to commit suicide. Ballot Measure
16 leaves the decision to the patient whether to notify family members. Thus,
Ballot Measure 16 does not adequately safeguard voluntary decision-making
because it does not provide that family members be notified by someone other
than the patient.
Ballot
Measure 16 also lacks an essential safeguard in cases involving suicidal
individuals under guardianship. While a guardian of the person ought to receive
notice of any decisions involving any ward, Ballot Measure 16 makes no
provision for notifying a guardian. Persons who have the disability of a
terminal disease will frequently have a guardian of their person appointed,
athough they might retain sufficient decisional capacity to appear competent.
Without knowledge, the guardian cannot act in the court-appointed role of
defender of the patient.
Most
importantly, Ballot Measure 16 lacks any safeguards applicable at the time
the lethal overdose of drugs is actually taken by the patient. The patient
is not required to take the lethal overdose of drugs at the time of
prescription or under the supervision of a physician. The patient may take the
lethal overdose days, weeks, or months afterwards. No safeguards for this
period protect the patient from undue influence or psychological pressure, from
depression (including that which clearly impairs judgment), or from involuntary
administration of the life-ending measures at the hands of another. At the
precise moment when the patient acts to take her own life with a legally
prescribed overdose, no legally required supervision or other safeguard is
applied to protect the patient.
Finally,
Ballot Measure 16 purports to exempt those who object to participation in
assisted suicide practices. However, by its terms, the protection is very
narrow, applying only to physicians in the actual act of providing a lethal
prescription. The exemption does not cover nursing home owners who oppose
physician-assisted suicide in their facilities, nurses in hospitals who are
required to care for persons committing assisted suicide, and other health care
providers who are not actually involved in writing prescriptions for patients
but who are required to participate in some way in assisted suicide against
their consciences.96
Does Oregon
Ballot Measure 16 violate constitutional rights?97 Specifically does
Oregon Ballot Measure 16 violate the equal protection guarantees of the U.S.
Constitution? The equal protection of the laws is guaranteed to all persons by
the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.98 This
requirement insures that all laws will apply equally to all similarly situated
persons and is an essential protection against arbitrary and capricious
government. As United States Supreme Court Justice Scalia put it:
What protects us . . . from being assessed a tax of 100% of
our income above the subsistence level, from being forbidden to drive cars, or
from being required to send our children to school for 10 hours a day
. . . Our salvation is the Equal Protection Clause, which requires
the democratic majority to accept for themselves . . . what they impose on you
and me.99
As noted
above, Oregon has provided valuable benefits to all of its citizens C except
for the terminally ill as a result of Ballot Measure 16. These benefits take
the form of legal presumptions, protections, and criminal penalties necessary
to preserve Oregonians from the risk of self harm, especially where the risk
results from depression or other treatable problem. Ballot Measure 16 creates
an exception to these laws thereby denying to terminally ill persons legal
protections against suicide and self-harm that are afforded to all other
Oregonians. Thus, the law creates two classes of citizens in Oregon, terminally
ill patients, whose suicides are legally facilitated, and all other citizens,
who are prohibited from receiving assistance in suicide. Under equal protection
analysis, the question is whether treating these two groups of people
differently under the law is constitutional.
Where
government defines a class and provides members of the class with less legal
rights than those enjoyed by the general populace, as Ballot Measure 16 does,
“the classification drawn by the statute [must be] rationally related to a
legitimate state interest.”100 “The State may not rely on a
classification whose relationship to an asserted goal is so attenuated as to
render the distinction arbitrary or irrational.”101
Nor may a
classification “rest on an irrational prejudice” against any group of persons.102
In Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Center, Inc., the United States Supreme
Court unanimously held that discrimination on the basis of disability
constitutes a denial of equal protection of the laws.103 The Court
struck down a zoning regulation barring persons with mental retardation from
living in a neighborhood group home. The Court held that, while persons with
mental retardation are not a suspect class so as to invoke heightened scrutiny,
laws making classifications on the basis of the disability of mental
retardation should be subject to rational basis scrutiny. This was sufficient
to strike down zoning regulations impinging on liberties less weighty than the
right to live.
As revealed
in Cleburne, the analysis applied to Ballot Measure 16 must pay careful
attention to the facts to determine whether it has a rational basis or instead
is premised on irrational prejudice, and whether the classification of the
terminally ill bears such an attenuated relationship to any asserted goals of
the law, so-called legitimate ‘state interests,’ so as to make the
classification arbitrary and irrational.
The first
question in an equal protection analysis is what classes have been created and
whether they are ‘similarly situated.’
In most
equal protection situations, the criteria used to differentiate the two classes
is clear. For instance, most equal protection cases involve differing treatment
based on sex or race. In those instances, it is readily ascertainable who is a
member of each class. Under Ballot Measure 16, however, persons who are
‘competent adults’ and have a ‘terminal disease’ are in one class and all
others are in the other. The criterion of ‘terminal disease,’ which defines
those who are denied the protections of Oregon law from assisted suicide and
self-harm, has severe definitional problems.
‘Terminal
disease’ is defined by Ballot Measure 16 as “an incurable and irreversible
disease . . . (which) will, within reasonable medical judgment, produce death
within six (6) months.”104 This definition, however, has two
critical medical and legal flaws. First, the law does not explain whether death
will occur in six month with treatment or without treatment. Many
conditions are fatal if not treated. Does someone have a terminal disease if
the condition is fatal in six months if not treated? This is obviously a
critical distinction since many more people would be considered terminally ill
and denied the protections of Oregon laws against assisted suicide and
self-harm if they could die from an untreated disease in less than six months.
Second, it
is a medical fact that a prognosis regarding life expectancy is notoriously
unreliable. According to recent research, medical diagnoses are wrong twenty to
forty percent of the time.105 There is no accurate way to determine the
length of a patient’s terminal disease in advance; it is merely an estimate.106
In fact, as the Michigan Supreme Court recognized in State v. Kevorkian,107
“[n]o clear definition of ‘terminal illness’ is medically or legally possible,
since only in hindsight is it known with certainty when someone is going to
die.”108
Finally,
the terminally ill are at least as vulnerable as, if not more vulnerable than,
the rest of the populace to depression, improperly treated pain, and
psychological pressure which can lead to suicidal requests. Moreover, their
ranks include a disproportionate number of persons who are older, have a
disability, or who are impoverished and so are more vulnerable to mistreatment
due to discrimination or efforts to cut costs. Thus, both the terminally ill
and the general public are susceptible to suicide as a result of depression and
undue influence. As a result, the two groups are similarly situated and the
state must provide a sufficient justification for the discrimination against those
who are terminally ill.
To justify
this withdrawal of legal protection from assisted suicide for those with a
terminal illness, the state must demonstrate that the withdrawal of protection
is reasonably related to a legitimate state interest. Two state interests have
been claimed by the State of Oregon. First, the State asserts an interest in
protecting its citizens from pain and suffering.109 Second, it
asserts an interest in “allowing competent adult citizens to make critical
decisions for themselves, even decisions that will lead to death”.110
Is Ballot
Measure 16 rationally related to either of these asserted interests? A close
look at the reality of suicide demonstrates that Ballot Measure 16 violates
equal protection for those who have a terminal disease.
As to an
asserted interest in allowing citizens to avoid pain and suffering, many people
without terminal conditions experience pain and suffering, while many
people with terminal conditions do not. Besides, the Ballot
Measure 16’s class definition omits any reference to pain and suffering as a
criterion for differentiation. Therefore, Ballot Measure 16’s classification
bears no rational relation to Oregon’s asserted interest in relieving pain and
suffering.
Nor is
Ballot Measure 16 rationally related to Oregon’s asserted interest in fostering
competent decisionmaking. Clearly the terminally ill are not unique with regard
to the state’s interest in promoting competent decisionmaking. Competent adults
are on both sides of the line drawn by Ballot Measure 16, but only those on one
side of the line are given the ‘choice’ of suicide.111
More
importantly, Ballot Measure 16 sweeps in terminally ill persons who are
incompetent and unable to act voluntarily, even though Oregon claims to advance
the interests of only the competent and voluntary. Its provisions fall woefully
short of guaranteeing that only competent patients will commit suicide. In
fact, because it permits depressed persons to choose suicide, Ballot Measure 16
impedes, rather than promotes, any interest in competent
decision-making.
The federal
judge, in Lee v. Oregon, found Ballot Measure 16 to violate the
constitutional requirement of equal protection of the laws because “the procedures
designed to differentiate between the competent and incompetent are not
sufficient.”112 In this regard, the court found the lack of an
independent psychiatric examination to be a fatal flaw. After noting that “[i]t
is undisputed that one of the factors that motivates suicide is depression” and
that a “[t]reating physician may not be sufficiently qualified alone to
evaluate mental impairments,” the court held that it is ‘,unable to conceive of
a set of facts under which it would be rational to not require mental and
social evaluations by appropriately trained professionals.”113 In
addition, the court also found that the total lack of any supervision at the
time the lethal overdose of drugs is actually taken does not ensure “that the
decision to commit suicide is rationally and voluntarily made at the time of
death.”114 As a result, Ballot Measure 16 “provides a means to
commit suicide to people who may be competent, incompetent, unduly influenced,
and/or abused at the time of death. . . . There is no distinction.”115
Based on
these findings, the federal court concluded that
Measure 16 withholds from terminally ill citizens the same protections
from suicide the majority enjoys. In the process, it has lowered standards and
reduced protections to a degree that there is little assurance that only
competent terminally ill persons will voluntarily die. The majority has not
accepted this situation for themselves, and there is no rational basis for
imposing it on the terminally ill.116
Assisting
suicide is not an appropriate response to the life crises which cause a person
to desire death. We should not tell people that we believe they are of such
little worth that we agree with their often depression-influenced view that
they are better off dead.
The
Constitution does not require society to stand by while those seeking
self-destruction pursue suicide or assisted suicide. Nor does it permit a state
to protect only some of its citizens from threats that face all. The terminally
ill are just as susceptible to depression-induced desires to die as the general
population. Moreover, few terminally ill patients want to commit suicide, and
those who express suicidal urges are likely influenced by depressive illness.117
As a result, people seeking suicide need life-affirming treatment, not
assistance in death. The poor, the infirm, the elderly, those with a
disability, minorities C all those who are particularly vulnerable in our
society C deserve our help in living, not in dying.
James
Bopp, Jr., J.D. –
President
National
Legal Center for the Medically Dependent & Disabled, Inc.; General Counsel National Right
to Life Committee; Former Member President’s Committee on Mental
Retardation; Editor Issues in Law & Medicine.
Richard
E. Coleson - General Counsel
Indiana
Citizens for Life
Notes
1 A substantial portion of this article
is reprinted, with permission, from an article published by the authors
entitled Bopp & Coleson, The Constitutional Case Against
Physician-Assisted Suicide for Competent Adults With ‘Terminal Conditions,’
11 Issues in Law & Medicine
239 (1995). It summarizes much of the relevant expert evidence presented in the
extensive affidavits provided in support of motions for preliminary and
permanent injunctions against Oregon Ballot Measure 16 to the United States
District Court for the District of Oregon in the case of Lee v. Oregon,
891 F. Supp. 1429 (D. Or. 1994). The case challenged Oregon Ballot Measure 16
on constitutional and statutory grounds, as set forth infra, and Ballot
Measure 16 has been permanently enjoined. The case is now on appeal to the
United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, where briefing will be
completed by January 1996. Oral arguments are expected to occur in Spring 1996.
The following material, much of it quoted (quotation marks omitted for ease in
reading), concerning Tim and the views of Dr. Hendin are taken from the Affidavit
of Dr. Herbert Hendin at 1-2, filed in support of the Motion for
Preliminary Injunction in Lee.
2 New
York State Task Force on Life and the Law, When Death Is Sought: Assisted
Suicide and Euthanasia in the Medical Context (1994) [hereinafter New York Task Force]. The Task Force
was convened in 1985 by Governor Mario Cuomo, who charged the 25-member body
with developing recommendations for state public policy on a variety of issues.
3 Id. at 179.
4 Richard Fenigsen, M.D., Ph.D., is a
retired cardiologist, professor of medicine, and author of four books and many
articles on cardiology and medico-ethical issues, including articles on the
Dutch experience with euthanasia. He is a citizen of the Netherlands and a
member of the Dutch Physicians’ League, a medical association which opposes
euthanasia.
5 Richard Fenigsen, A Case Against
Dutch Euthanasia, 19 Hastings Center
Rep., Jan.-Feb. 1989, Supp. at 22, 26.
6 49 F.3d 586 (9th Cir. l995).
7 891 F. Supp. 1429 (D. Or. 1995).
8 Affidavit of David C. Clark, Ph.D. at
& 4, Lee v. Oregon, 891 F. Supp. 1429 (D. Or. 1995) (No. 94-6467-HO)
(hereinafter Clark Affidavit). Cf. Edwin S. Schneidman, Rational
Suicide and Psychiatric Disorders, 326
New Eng. J. Med. 889 (1992) (“It is undeniable that all persons C 100
percent C who commit suicide are perturbed and experiencing unbearable
psychological pain.”).
9 Clark Affidavit, supra note 8,
at & 4.
10 New
York Task Force, supra note 2, at 13 (citing James H. Brown et
al., Is It Normal for Terminally Ill Patients to Desire Death?, 143 Am.
J. Psychiatry 208 (1986)).
11 New
York Task Force, supra note 2, at 13.
12 Affidavit of Carol J. Gill, Ph.D. at
& 18, Lee v. Oregon, 891 F. Supp. 1429 (D. Or. 1995) (No. 94-6467-HO)
(hereinafter Gill Affidavit) (emphasis in original).
13 New
York Task Force, supra note 2, at 15.
14 Id. at 16.
15 Clark Affidavit, supra note 8,
at & 20-21; Gill Affidavit, supra note 12, at & 32.
16 David C. Clark, ‘Rational’ Suicide
and People with Terminal Conditions or Disabilities, 8 Issues L. & Med. 147, 151 (1992).
17 Clark Affidavit, supra note 8,
at & 19.
18 Id. at & 9.
19 Id. at & 6.
20 Id. (comment made concerning
older persons).
21 Affidavit of Nancy J. Osgood, M.D. at
& 8, Lee v. Oregon, 891 F. Supp. 1429 (D. Or. 1995) (No. 94-6467-HO)
(citing James H. Brown et al., Is It Normal for Terminally-Ill Patients to
Desire Death?, 143 Am. J. Psychiatry
208 (1986)); Gill Affidavit, supra note 12, at && 21-22.
22 New
York Task Force, supra note 2, at 127.
23 Id.
24 Id. at 127-28.
25 Id. at 127.
26 Id. at 128. Permitting assisted
suicide for persons experiencing pain would affect certain groups
disproportionately to their representation in the general population. “A recent
study found that patients treated at centers that serve predominantly minority
patients were three times more likely than those treated elsewhere to receive
inadequate pain treatment. Elderly individuals and women were also more likely
than others to receive poor pain treatment.” Id. at 90 (citing Charles
S. Cleland et al., Pain and Its Treatment in Outpatients with Metastatic
Cancer, 330 New Eng. J. Med.
592 (1994)).
27 Id. at 128.
28 Id. at 35.
29 Id. at 43.
30 See id. at 37.
31 Id. at 40. “Palliative care
experts believe that the number of patients with unavoidable and intolerable
pain is very small. For these patients, sedation to a sleeplike state, while
far from an ideal option, would prevent the patient from experiencing severe
pain and suffering.” Id. As a result, the argument favoring assisted
suicide because pain cannot be controlled for a small fraction of individuals
“shift[s] from relieving experienced suffering
to ending a life no longer valued by its bearer or, let us be frank, by the
onlookers.” “Neither for Love nor Money: Why Doctors Must Not Kill,” Public
Interest 94 (1989): 33. Palliative care experts report that while sedation
seems objectionable to many healthy individuals contemplating it in the
abstract, most terminally ill patients and families find it acceptable. Nessa
M. Coyle, R.N., Director, Supportive Care Program, Pain Service, Department of
Neurology, Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center, oral communication, March
11, 1993.
Id. at 94 n.60.
32 See id. at 94-95. “As explained
by one sociologist who studied suicide: ‘It is undeniable that all persons C
100 percent C who commit suicide are perturbed and experiencing unbearable
psychological pain.’ “ Id. at 95 n.65 (quoting Edwin S. Schneidman, Rational
Suicide and Psychiatric Disorders, 326 New
Eng. J. Med. 889 (1992)).
33 Id. at 42.
34 Clark Affidavit, supra note 8,
at & 4.
35 Affidavit of Gary E. Lee, M.D. at &
9, Lee v. Oregon, 891 F. Supp. 1429 (D. Or. 1995) (No. 94-6467-HO).
36 George
Howe Colt, The Enigma of Suicide 342 (1991).
37 Yale Kamisar, Are Laws Against
Assisted Suicide Unconstitutional?, 23 Hastings
Center Rep., May-June, 1993, at 32, 39 (citation omitted) (emphasis in
original).
38 49 F.3d 586 (9th Cir. 1995), reh’g
en banc granted.
39 49 F.3d at 592.
40 Id. (quoting New York Task Force, supra note
2, at 122).
41 Id.
42 Id. at 592-93.
43 Id. at 593. The New York Task
Force noted the existence of alternative numbers based on the raw data, as well
as the results of further investigation:
An alternative measure used in the study
suggests that nonvoluntary euthanasia occurred in 1.6% of all deaths. P.J. Van
der Mass et al., ‘Euthanasia and Other Medical Decisions Concerning the End of
Life,’ Lancet 338 (1991): 669-74 [sic]. A more recent study asked the
physicians who performed nonvoluntary euthanasia for further information. Only
56% of nonvoluntary euthanasia cases involved patients who lacked
decision-making capacity at the time of death; in the remaining 44% of cases,
euthanasia was performed on competent (36%) or possible competent (8%) patients
without an explicit request. L. Pijnenborg et al., ‘Life-Terminating Acts
Without Explicit Request,’ Lancet 341 (1993): 1196-99 [sic].
New York Task Force, supra note 2, at 134 n.31.
The comment that there are ‘arguably more’
cases of involuntary euthanasia is also supported by the calculations of Doctor
Richard Fenigsen, based on the actual data published by the Dutch
governmentally-appointed Committee to Investigate the Medical Practice
Concerning Euthanasia. See Richard Fenigsen, The Report of the Dutch
Governmental Committee on Euthanasia, 7 Issues
L. & Med. 339 (1991). The report of the Committee, commonly known as
the Remmelink Report, gives the raw data on actions by physicians to end the
lives of patients. Although there is no debate about the actual numbers, the
definition of ‘euthanasia’ employed results in different conclusions about the
number of euthanasia cases each year. The Committee concluded that only 2,300
(0.8% of all annual deaths) cases of euthanasia occur each year in the
Netherlands by defining euthanasia to include only active termination of life
upon request. Id. at 341. By contrast, Doctor Fenigsen derives 25,306
cases of euthanasia (19.4% of the total annual deaths) from the same data by
using the definition of euthanasia of Joseph Fletcher, which “defin[es]
euthanasia in four forms: (1) voluntary and direct, (2) voluntary but indirect,
(3) direct but involuntary, and (4) both indirect and involuntary.” Id.
at 340 n.3, 341. Included in his calculations were 8,100 patients who died from
an overdose of morphine given with the intent to terminate life (which number
the Commission listed under pain relief, not euthanasia). Of these 8,100
patients, 4,941 (61%) were given lethal doses of morphine with the intent of
terminating life without the patient’s consent. Id. at 341.
44 At least twenty-six statutes barring
assisted suicide exist. Alaska Stat.
' 11.41.120 (a)(2) (1989); Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. ' 13-1103(A)(3) (Supp. 1994); Ark. Code Ann. ' 5-10-104(a)(2)
(Michie 1993); Cal. Penal Code ' 401 (West 1988); Col. Rev. Stat. Ann.
' 18-3-104(1)(b) (West Supp. 1994); Conn.
Gen. Stat. Ann. '' 53a-56(a)(2) (1994); Del. Code Ann. tit. 11, ' 645 (Supp. 1994); Fla.
Stat. Ann.
' 782.08 (West 1992); Ill. Ann.
Stat. ch. 38, && 12-31 (Smith-Hurd Supp. 1992); Ind. Code Ann. ' 35-31-1-2 (Burns 1985); Kan. Stat. Ann. ' 21-3406 (1988); Me. Rev. Stat. Ann. tit. 17-A,
' 204 (West 1983); Minn. Stat. Ann.
' 609.215 (West 1987 & Supp. 1995); Minn.
Stat. Ann. '' 147.091(W), 151.06(a)(7)(xii) (West Supp. 1993); Miss. Code Ann. ' 97-3-49 (1994); Mont. Code Ann. ' 45-5-105 (1989);
Neb. Rev. Stat. ' 28-307 (1989); N.H. Rev. Stat. Ann. ' 630:4
(1986); N.J. Stat. Ann.
' 2C:11-6 (West 1982); N.M. Stat.
Ann. ' 30-2-4 (Michie 1994); N.Y.
Penal Law ' 120.30 (McKinney 1987); Okla.
Stat. Ann. tit. 21, '' 813-18 (West 1982); Or. Rev. Stat.
' 163.125(1)(b) (1990); 18 Pa.
Cons. Stat. Ann. ' 2505(b) (Purdon 1983); S.C. Code Ann. ' 16-3-70 (Law Co-op 1976); S.D.
Codified Laws Ann. '' 22-16-37
(1988); Tex. Penal Code Ann. ' 22.08 (West 1994); Wis. Stat. Ann. ' 940.12 (West
1982). Cf. ' 210.5(2) Model Penal Code (Proposed Official Draft
1962).
45 People v. Kevorkian, 527 N.W. 2d 714
(Mich. 1994); cert. denied sub nom. Kevorkian v. Michigan, 115 S. Ct.
1795 (1995).
46 See, e.g., Oregon Revised
Statutes ' 161.205, which provides that:
The use of physical force upon another person
that would otherwise constitute an offense is justifiable and not criminal
under any of the following circumstances: . . . (4) A person acting
under a reasonable belief that another person is about to commit suicide or to
inflict serious physical self-injury may use physical force upon that person to
the extent that the person reasonably believes it necessary to thwart the
result.
Or. Rev. Stat. Ann. ' 161.205 (1990 & Supp.
1994).
47 For example, Oregon Revised Statutes '
426.005 defines a ‘mentally ill person’ as, inter alia, ‘a person who, because
of a mental disorder is . . . [d]angerous to self . . . ‘ Or. Rev. Stat. Ann.
' 426.005(1)(d) (1987 & Supp. 1994). Oregon Revised Statutes ' 426.070
et seq. provide commitment proceedings for one who is a ‘mentally ill person,’
including emergency commitment proceedings.
48 Council
on Ethical and Judicial Affairs, Code of Medical Ethics ' 2.211
(1994).
49 Compassion in Dying v. Washington, 49
F.3d 586 (9th Cir 1995), reh’g en banc granted.
50 Quill v. Koppell, 870 F. Supp. 78
(S.D.N.Y. 1994), appeal docketed, No. 95-7208 (2d Cir. Jan. 3, 1995).
51 People v. Kevorkian, 527 N.W.2d 714
(Mich. 1994); cert. denied sub nom. Kevorkian v. Michigan, 115 S. Ct.
1795 (1995).
52 U.S.
Const. amend. XIV, ' 1.
53 381 U.S. 479 (1965).
54 Id. at 486.
55 Id. at 485-86.
56 410 U.S. 113 (1973).
57 Id. at 164.
58 478 U.S. 186 (1986).
59 Id. at 190-91.
60 See People
v. Kevorkian, 527 N.W. 2d 714, 730 n.47 (Mich. 1994); cert. denied sub nom.
Kevorkian v. Michigan, 115 S. Ct. 1795 (1995) (citing James Bopp, Jr.
& Richard E. Coleson, Webster and the Future of Substantive Due Process,
28 Duq. L. Rev. 271, 281-91
(1990) (discussing the Supreme Court’s approach to framing proposed fundamental
rights and testing them for constitutional warrant)).
61 Bowers, 478 U.S. at 205
(Blackmun, J., dissenting).
62 Id. at 211 (Blackmun, J.,
dissenting).
63 Id. at 217 (Stevens, J.,
dissenting).
64 Id. at 190-91 (majority
opinion).
65 People v. Kevorkian, 527 N.W. 2d 714,
730 n.47 (Mich. 1994); cert. denied sub nom. Kevorkian v. Michigan, 115
S. Ct. 1795 (1995).
66 Id. at 730.
67 Id. at 731. See also supra
note 44 (listing state statutes criminalizing assisted suicide).
68 See, e.g., Roe v. Wade,
410 U.S. 113, 155, 163 (deciding that at the point of fetal viability the state
interest in protecting human life had risen to the point of being compelling,
so that abortion could be proscribed except to save the life or health of the
mother).
69 See generally New York Task Force, supra note
2. See also United Kingdom House
of Lords Select Committee on Medical Ethics, Report of the Select Committee on
Medical Ethics && 237, 262 (ordered to be printed Jan. 31, 1994)
(“Th[e prohibition of intentional killing] is the cornerstone of law and of
social relationships. It protects each one of us impartially, embodying the
belief that all are equal.” Thus, reaching the conclusion that assisted suicide
should not be legalized out of concern for vulnerable persons and groups).
70 Compassion in Dying v. Washington, 49
F.3d 586, 592-93 (9th Cir. 1995), reh’g en banc granted. See supra
text accompanying notes 38-43.
71 U.S.
Const. amend. XIV, ' 1.
72 See, e.g., Quill v.
Koppell, 870 F. Supp. 78, 84-85 (S.D.N.Y. 1994), appeal docketed, No.
95-7208 (2d Cir. Jan. 3, 1995).
73 A careful evaluation of other theories
proposed, shows that no constitutional right to assisted suicide exists under
any theory. James Bopp, Jr., Is Assisted Suicide Constitutionally Protected?,
3 Issues L. & Med. 113
(1987).
74 Several states of the United States
allow proposed laws to be placed on the ballot to be voted on by the people of
the state. If the proposed law receives a majority vote, it becomes a law of
the state, just as if it had been adopted by the state’s legislature.
75 Oregon Ballot Measure 16, ' 2.01 and
Oregon Supreme Court approved Summary Page (April 15, 1994). As noted by the
New York Task Force, “A recent study showed that lack of knowledge about pain
relief correlated with the willingness to endorse assisted suicide.” New York Task Force, supra note
2, at 128 n.21 (citing R.K. Portenoy et al., Determinants of the Willingness to
Endorse Assisted Suicide: A Survey of Physicians, Nurses, and Social Workers
(1994) (unpublished manuscript). There is no evidence that Oregon voters were
any more informed about modern palliative care than are voters elsewhere, i.e.,
they know little about what can now be done to relieve pain, which raises the
question of whether their approval of assisted suicide was rationally related
to scientific fact or was founded on illogical stereotypes.
76 Oregon Ballot Measure 16,
'' 1.01(12), 2.01.
77 Id. at ' 2.01.
78 Id. at ' 4.01.
79 Id. at ' 2.01
80 Id. at ' 3.
81 New
York Task Force, supra note 2, at 97 (“Proponents believe that
legalizing assisted suicide
. . . would not produce harmful consequences as a whole, and
that potential dangers can be minimized by appropriate safeguards.” These
include “[m]andated consultation with a licensed psychiatrist . . .”). See
also Michigan Commission on Death
and Dying, Report Offering Procedural Safeguards for Assisted Suicide
6-7 (April 14, 1994) (proposing minimum safeguards if assisted suicide is
permitted and recommending that all persons seeking suicide be referred to a
mental health care professional for evaluation) (hereinafter Proposed Michigan Procedural Safeguards).
82 New
York Task Force, supra note 2, at 97 n.74 (“Some opponents
. . . emphasize the difficulty of diagnosing depression among
severely ill patients, and argue that mandated psychiatric consultation would
fail to identify some cases of depression.”).
83 Oregon Ballot Measure 16, ' 3.03
(emphasis added).
84 See supra notes 21-24 and
accompanying text.
85 Id. at ' 4.01(1).
86 Oregon Ballot Measure 16, ' 3.01 (3)
and ' 3.02 (permitting the referring physician to select another physician, in
his or her sole discretion, to confirm the diagnosis and determine if “the
patient is capable and acting voluntarily”).
87 See Proposed Michigan Procedural Safeguards, supra note
81, at 6-7 (proposing probate
court supervision to assure compliance).
88 Id. at 4-5.
89 Id. at 5.
90 Oregon Ballot Measure 16, ' 3.04.
91 Id. ' 3.08 (“No less than
fifteen (15) days shall elapse between the patient’s initial oral request and
the writing of a prescription under this Act. No less than 48 hours shall
elapse between the patient’s written request and the writing of a prescription
under this Act.”).
92 Oregon Ballot Measure 16,
' 4.02(2) provides that “[a] person who coerces or exerts undue influence
on a patient to request medication for the purpose of ending the patient’s
life, or to destroy a rescission of such a request, shall be guilty of a Class
A felony.” This attempted safeguard is inadequate for two reasons: (1) as noted
in the text, there is much psychological pressure which would be effective in
encouraging a patient to request assistance in suicide (especially in the
presence of depression) without rising to the legal standard of ‘undue
influence,’ and (2) prosecuting someone for undue influence will do nothing to
bring back the person who is dead because of undue influence. The time to
eliminate undue influence and psychological pressure is before the death of the
patient, which requires, at a minimum, a truly independent investigation.
93 Oregon Ballot Measure 16, ' 3.01(3),
provides that a “consulting physician” chosen by the referring physician
determine “that the patient is capable and acting voluntarily.” However, as
noted infra, this closed referral system does not provide adequate
independence in the investigation and requires only that the consulting
physician “examine the patient and his or her relevant medical records.” Id.
at ' 3.02. This in no way constitutes an adequate and independent
investigation into the totality of the patient’s circumstances to discover if
there is psychological pressure which may be eliminated.
94 Id. at ' 3.01 (5).
95 Of course, family members may also
bring psychological pressure, but that problem is dealt with by the safeguard
of having an independent investigation as to pressures to choose assisted
suicide, as described supra. The problem dealt with here is that of the
individual who feels the hopelessness associated with depression in part
because he or she is cut off from the natural support system of family.
96 “No health care provider shall be under
any duty, whether by contract, by statute or by any other legal requirement to
participate in the provision to a qualified patient of medication to end his or
her life . . . “ Id. at ' 4.01(4). However, “[i]f the
patient . . . in a long term care facility . . . , one of
the witnesses [to the written request for assisted suicide] shall be an
individual designated by the facility . . . “ Id. at
' 2.02(4). There is no conscience exception which excuses a nursing home
from providing a witness because witnessing a signature is not “provision
. . . of medication.” However, many nursing home owners would
strongly object to such complicity with assisted suicide and many will have
religious objections. As a result, Measure 16 will be vulnerable to claims of
religious liberty by nursing home owners and others under the Religious Freedom
Restoration Act (RFRA), 42 U.S.C.A. '2000bb-1 (1994 & Supp.). The RFRA
arguments are not developed here as being beyond the chosen scope of this
article.
97 The plaintiffs in Lee v. Oregon, 891 F.
Supp. 1429 (D. Or. 1995) (No. 94-6467-HO), raised several constitutional and
statutory claims against Oregon Ballot Measure 16. No effort is made to discuss
all of these herein. Rather, the focus will be upon the equal protection
theory, which was the basis upon which the federal district court found the law
unconstitutional.
98 U.S.
Const. amend. XIV, ' 1.
99 Cruzan v. Director, 497 U.S. 261, 300
(1990) (Scalia, J., concurring).
100 Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Ctr., 473 U.S.
432, 440 (1985).
101 Id. at 446. See also Zobel
v. Williams, 457 U.S. 55, 61-63 (1982); United States Dept. of Agriculture v.
Moreno, 413 U.S. 528, 535 (1973).
102 Cleburne, 473 U.S. at 450.
103 Id.
104 Oregon Ballot Measure 16, ' 1.01(12).
105 Affidavit of Richard Fenigsen, M.D.,
Ph.D. at && 5-6, Lee v. Oregon, 891 F. Supp. 1429 (D. Or. 1995)
(No. 94-6467-HO) (hereinafter Fenigsen Affidavit).
106 Clark Affidavit, supra note 8, at
& 28; Fenigsen Affidavit, supra note 105, at && 18-24;
Affidavit of Herbert Hendin, M.D. at & 7, Lee, 891 F. Supp. 1429 (D.
Or. 1995) (No. 94-6467-HO).
107 People v. Kevorkian, 527 N.W. 2d 714
(Mich. 1994); cert. denied sub nom. Kevorkian v. Michigan, 115 S. Ct.
1795 (1995).
108 Id. at 726 n.34.
109 Defendants’ Memorandum in Support of
Motion for Summary Judgment at 38 n.15, Lee v. Oregon, 891 F. Supp. 1429 (D.
Or. 1995) (No. 94-6467-HO).
110 Id. at 38.
111 This interest asserted by the State of
Oregon on behalf of its citizens is an autonomy interest. Several observations
are in order concerning assertions of autonomy. The percentage of persons whose
autonomy interest is furthered by legalized assisted suicide is extremely
small, perhaps non-existent according to experts who say that 100% of persons
who commit suicide do so because they “are perturbed and experiencing
unbearable psychological pain,” which raises serious questions about competence
to make a serious life decision such as choosing assisted suicide. As stated by
the New York Task Force:
[T]o the extent that laws prohibiting assisted
suicide and euthanasia impose a burden, they do so only for individuals who
make an informed, competent choice to have their lives artificially shortened,
and who cannot do so without another person’s aid. As studies have confirmed,
very few individuals fall into this group, particularly if appropriate pain
relief and supportive care are provided.
New York Task Force, supra note 2, at 72
(citation omitted).
Elsewhere the New York Task Force again returns
to the autonomy theme, explaining that:
The appeal to autonomy is also far more complex
in practice. From the perspective of good health, many individuals may believe
that they would opt for suicide or euthanasia rather than endure a vastly
diminished quality of life. Yet, once patients are confronted by illness,
continued life often become more
precious; it is not so readily discarded. Given access to appropriate
relief from pain and other debilitating symptoms, many of those who consider
suicide during the course of a terminal illness abandon their desire for a
quicker death in favor of a longer life made more tolerable with effective
treatment.
Undoubtedly, the desire for ‘control’ at life’s
end is widely shared and deeply felt. Yet, as a society, we have better ways to
give people control and relief from suffering than by making it easier for
patients to commit suicide . . .
Id. at 120-21.
Finally, autonomy has been a part of the great
conversation of philosophers over the centuries. Is what one wishes at any one
time an expression of the individual’s true wishes at another time or at deeper
level? For example, in a first century letter to the church at Rome, Paul, the
Christian apostle, wrote “[w]hat I want to do I do not do, but what I hate I
do.” Romans 7:14 (New International Version). How does one advance
autonomy in the face of such conflict? Immanuel “Kant argued that taking one’s
own life was inconsistent with the notion of autonomy, properly understood.
Autonomy, in Kant’s view, does not mean the freedom to do whatever one wants,
but instead depends on the knowing subjugation of one’s desires and
inclinations to one’s rational understanding of universally valid moral rules.”
New York Task Force, supra
note 2, at 81 (citation and footnote omitted). John Locke “argued that life,
like liberty, represents an inalienable right, which cannot be taken from, or
given away, by an individual.” Id. (citation omitted). In his view then,
autonomy could not even include the termination of the self, without which
there is no autonomy.
112 891 F. Supp. at 1434.
113 Id. at 1435-37.
114 Id. at 1438.
115 Id.
116 Id. at 1438.
117 Clark Affidavit, supra note 8, at
& 20-21; Gill Affidavit, supra note 12, at & 32.
|
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