Draft
ANALYSIS OF TRENDS
IN SEX RATIO AT BIRTH OF HOSPITALISED DELIVERIES IN THE STATE OF DELHI
Joe Varghese
Vijay Aruldas
Christian Medical
Association of India
In Collaboration with
Office of the
Registrar General of India
Summary
Increasing
masculinity child sex ratio in different parts of India has been an important
aspect noted in the last few census reports of India. The misuse of medical
technology for the identification of the sex of the child before birth and
selective abortion of female fetuses is considered as the major reason for that.
The State of Delhi is one of the affected areas in the country with severe
demographic imbalance in child sex ratio.
The study is an attempt to identify the emerging pattern of sex ratio at
birth [SRB] of hospitalised deliveries in the state of Delhi and various
demographic and socio-economic factors affecting it based on certain available
hospital data.
In the first stage of the study, SRB of eight large hospitals for ten-year period from 1993 to 2002 is calculated to examine any emerging trend. In the next stage, certain socio-economic and demographic variables are correlated with the SRB estimates from about 11,268 birth information of the year 2000 and 2001 available with one of the hospital. Births are taken as the unit of analysis and SRB is used as the indicator for sex selective abortions.
Ten-year study of SRB of hospitalised deliveries shows sharp increasing trends in masculinity from the beginning of the study period 1993/94 till 1997/98 period and thereafter showing stabilisation. Existence of intensive son preference is evident from the estimation of SRB according to the order of birth and sex composition of the previous children. Most of the sex selective abortions are occurring for the second or higher order of birth when the previous children are females. Evidences show that among parents who have more than high school education, sex selective abortions are more widely practiced by those who have post- graduation or professional qualifications. The probable explanation for this unexpected finding is the decreasing levels of fertility among the highly educated mothers forcing families to resort to sex selective abortions to have their desired number of sons in a small family. Result also shows that women who are ‘not working outside home’ tend to undergo more sex selective abortions compared to those who are employed suggesting the influence of women’s economic empowerment and autonomy in shaping the family organization strategies.
Only interventions focusing
far-reaching social changes in improving value of girl child, increasing female
autonomy and women’s opportunity in employment etc are likely to change the
current scenario.
Introduction
Sex Ratio At Birth [SRB]
refers to the ratio of male to female children born in a specific period or all
the children ever born to a cohorts of women. In all human populations, there
is a fairly stable Sex Ratio At Birth observed in countries with good vital
registration which is approximately 104 to 106 boys per hundred girls [Census
of India, 2001]. This advantage is because of the conception more boys than the
girls even though there is increased male foetal loss than female fetuses
during gestation period. Evidences suggest that unless there is conscious
effort at intervention by humans, the sex ratio at birth will not change even
over a century [Visaria L, 2002]. However in some regions of the world
especially in the south and East Asia the strong preference for sons have
distorted the SRB. The abnormal SRB have been found to be due to widely prevalent
sex selective practices.
The strong patriarchal
values in certain societies are reflected in their practices. Son preference
has been one of the most evident manifestations of patriarchal society which
depict the powerlessness of women within such societies. 1980 onwards, in
countries like China where there is strong population control programmes, the
fertility decline intensified the manifestation of son preference [Zhao 2000].
In India too with the declining fertility combining with the persistence of
strong preference for sons, parents are taking steps to ensure the birth and
survival of the sons compared with the females.
Over the years, the son
preference in India had worked against the female sex particularly in their
infancy and early childhood. She is discriminated against in many ways –
ranging from abandonment of girl children, fewer months of breast feeding, less
of nurturing and play, lesser medical treatment if falls ill etc- all working
against the very existence of girl children. The level of discrimination
comparatively reduces the chances of survival girl children is clearly evident
by the differential child mortality among boys and girls [Agnihotri, 2001,
Miller 1989, Das Gupta,1987]. Dreze and
Sen [1995] have pointed out that the persistence of gender inequality and
female deprivation are among India’s serious social failures. Today, with the
technological advancement in medical diagnosis this discrimination begins even
before her birth. Various medical technologies have been put into practice to
identify the sex of the child before the birth and selective abortion, if found
female. Of the various medical technologies, ultra sound machines are the most
misused one in the sex selective practices [Ganathra, 2001]. Evidences shows
growing incidence of pre-birth elimination of the girl children in India [Sabu
George,1998].
Trends in juvenile sex
ratio in India
The data on child sex
ratio provides a broad indicator of the ground realities as they exist in the
fabric of our society in its attitude and outlook towards the girl
child.[Census of India, 2001] The
Juvenile sex ratio in India as published by the last few census reports show
enormous masculinity. According to the 2001 census report, while the overall
sex ratio has increased from 927 females per 1000 males to 933 females per 1000
males, the Child Sex Ratio of 0 – 6 has reduced from 945 to 927girl children
per 1000 male children. The child sex ratio at birth of 927 for the country as
a whole is less than the universal sex ratio at birth. Of the total of 577
districts in the country, 48 districts showed inordinately low levels of child
sex ratio of below 850. In the 1991 census report not a single district showed
child sex ratio below 800. It is shocking to note that in next 10 years, 16
districts fell under this category. There were as many as forty eight districts
where child sex ratio is under 850 during 2001, while there was only one
districts in 1991. It is difficult to comprehend that as many as 456 districts
constituting 79 per cent of all districts in the country have registered a
decline of child sex ratio between 1991-2001. Of these, in seventy districts
the decline is in the order of over fifty points.
The State of Delhi is one
of the severely affected areas with severe demographic imbalance in child sex
ratio. The over all child sex ratio in Delhi is 865 with 6 out 9 of its
districts showing a drastic drop [more than 50 points] over the past one
decade.
Factors determining the
son preference
Son preference is deeply
entrenched and has its social and economic basis. Various earlier studies and
the census figures are suggestive to a certain extent the association of son
preference to various socio-cultural, economic and certain demographic factors.
In south Asian countries such as India, South Korea and China not only do sons
have important roles in rituals, they may be the only source of support for the
parents for the old age [Zhao,2000; Chen et al, 1981; Dasgupta, 1987].
One anticipated
correlation was that between the rising women’s status in terms of entry into
education and employment and reduced son preference or dependence. However a
number of demographic researches show that daughter discrimination continues to
occur in populations where women enjoy education and employment [Croll, 2002].
A study on the impact of son preference among north Vietnamese community
suggests ‘more empowered female adults are more likely to resort to modern
strategies in order to have a son, such as sex selective abortions’ [Belenger,
2002]. The national census data shows that most regions characterized by the
adverse child sex ratio are the advanced regions of India in terms of per
capita income as well as literacy level [Census of India, 2001]. The data also
shows more adverse child sex ratio in urban areas, though the urban areas are
characterized by higher literacy level especially among the females, more
employment opportunities for women etc.
A study of the sex ratio
at birth [estimated indirectly from SRS data] of select six states in India
indicates its association with the socio-economic conditions, total fertility
rate and mother’s mean age at fertility [Dutta P, 2001]. The examination of the
patriarchal societies of Asia noted that the combination of fertility decline
and son preference triggers the incentive for sex selective abortion
[Zhao,2000, Bairagi, 2001]. The effect of the sex composition of previous
children on subsequent fertility reveals the intensity of son preference in the
Chinese society [Wen 1992]. Various studies looking at the India context are
also showing that when the fertility declines and the preference for male
children remains strong, parents still take the steps to ensure the birth and
survival of male children [Sudha and Irudaya Rajan: 1998, Clark and Shelly,
2000]. A study of female foeticide in rural Haryana by Sabu and Dahiya [1998]
had pointed at the linkages between sex of the living children with the family
organising strategies. The assessment of sexual preferences of women in NFHS 2
also reveals the same. It shows among women with two living children, the
proportion wanting more children is far greater among those with two daughters
[53%] than those with two sons [17%] [Remez L, 2001]. Another assessment of NFHS 2 data reveals the
association of high sex ratio at birth with geographic region, child’s birth
order and mothers number of living sons and two socio economic characters –
mother’s education and mother’s media exposure [Retherford, 2003]. A community
based study of the reasons of induced abortions shows that husbands of the
women undergoing sex selective abortions were less educated than the husbands
of other abortion seekers [Ganathra et all, 2001].
The study is an attempt to
identify the emerging pattern of sex ratio at birth of hospitalised deliveries
in the state of Delhi and various demographic and socio-economic factors
affecting it based on certain available hospital based data. The study is to
evaluate the impact of son preference under conditions of social and economic
development, changes in fertility etc on sex ratio at birth.
1.
To understand
the trends in sex ratio at birth of last 10 years among hospital deliveries in
Delhi
2.
To identify the
effect of different demographic and socio-economic factors on the sex ratio at
birth.
Justification
of the study
The widespread misuse of
medical technologies for the selective elimination of the female foetuses had
evoked the civil society response for long in India. Unfortunately, a law
enacted in 1996 to regulate pre-natal diagnostic techniques and prevent sex
selection was very laxly implemented resulting in the rampant malpractice. Very
recently, for the last three years, the country had witnessed an
intensification of campaign against sex selection by the civil society with the
judicial intervention following a public interest litigation by Cehat, Masum
and Sabu George and also with the alarming revelation of demographic profile
[0-6 sex ratio] brought out by the national census 2001. The Law implementation
machinery was also revamped as evident by the increase in the registration of
the ultra-sound machines though out the country. In the state of Delhi, both
the civil society action and the government law enforcement mechanisms were on
an upsurge over this period. Whether this has changed the ground realities in
terms of reduction in the elimination of female fetuses need to be further
probed. Studying the trend in the sex ratio at birth from different hospitals
over the last 10 years is expected to provide this information.
Much of the evidence on the
spread of sex selective abortion in India is anecdotal. There is no reliable
statistics on the practice at either state or national level [Retherford, Roy
2003]. The main determinants in the child sex ratio are sex selective
mortality, sex selective migration and sex selective omission on enumeration
and sex ratio at birth. The first three reasons can confuse in drawing
conclusions on the actual severity of sex selective abortions. In a state like
Delhi selective migration of families coming only with the male children are
often sited as one reason for the skewed child sex ratio [Times of India,
2002]. Visaria [2002] opinions that the contribution of sex selective abortion
on the sex ratio at birth requires a careful analysis of data from various
sources, such as SRS, census and birth records from hospitals or institutions.
It was further stressed that more data is needed on the extent of female
foeticide, the demographic and socioeconomic status of women who undergoes sex
selective abortions. Information on sex ratio at birth is likely to reflect
more light in to the actual scenario. According to Sudha and Raja [1998], in
India available data help us to understand the juvenile sex ratio rather than
sex ratio at birth. They too emphasis the need to have future research
examining the demographic behaviors in India from a gendered perspective that
scrutinises the nexus between cultural and economic factors and household
organisation and strategies. Vina Mazundar in comparison of studies on sex
selection practices using foeticide and infanticide have pointed out the lack
of information on cast, culture and life styles of those who practice foeticide
practices.
Data and Methods
The study is based on the data available with the birth
records of select large hospitals in Delhi. Births are the unit of analysis and
sex ratio at birth [SRB] based on the hospital birth is the indicator for sex
selective abortions. The study is designed in two stages. In the first stage of
the study each year’s SRB of eight hospitals for the previous 10 years will be
calculated and plotted on a graph to examine any emerging trend. The birth data
was collected from three public sector hospitals and five private hospitals
belonging to various geographical areas of the state. The state of Delhi, being
well connected with roads and public transport system, it is assumed that
people do not have geographical preference in accessing any of these large
hospitals.
In the next stage of the study, socio-economic and
demographic variables were correlated with the SRB estimates from about 12,000
birth information of the year 2000 and 2001 available with one of the hospital.
The hospital is purposely selected for the study because of the availability
and accessibility of the data.
Based on the existing
evidences and data availability the study conceptualises the relationship
between sex ratio at birth with the following predictor variables.

![]()


In the analysis of the data, births are the unit of analysis.
SRB for various categories were calculated as number of boys born divided by
number of girls born based on the indexed birth of hospital records during the
2000 –01 period. SRB is used as an indirect indicator for sex selective
abortions. Each of the variables is correlated with the SRB to identify the
relation between them. Finally logistic regression is applied to analyse the
effects of selected demographic and socio-economic variables on sex ratio at
birth. For the logistic regression, sex ratio at birth is taken as binary coded
as 1 if, birth is male and 0 if it is a female.
Our estimates of SRB based on hospital data are in many cases
substantially affected by sampling variability and therefore highly
approximate. Difference between SRBs that are not statistically significant
must be interpreted with caution.
Results
Table No. 1 Total Number
of births in the study hospitals each year
Year
|
Number
of births
|
1993
|
34707
|
1994
|
36064
|
1995
|
37262
|
1996
|
36512
|
1997
|
37701
|
1998
|
35317
|
1999
|
39852
|
2000
|
40039
|
2001
|
39229
|
2002
|
38816
|
Figure
1 Three-year
floating average SRB of hospitalised deliveries of Delhi [ between 1993- 2002]

The above figure shows increasing SRB trend from 1993-95 period [111 boys per 100 girls] onwards up to the period of 1996-98 where it reached 117 boys per 1000 girls. There after SRB shows slight reversal of the trend. The data shows that for the next few years it remains between 116 to 118 boys per 100 girls.

Figure 3 SRB by Birth Order
Table
1 SRB by Birth Order
Birth Order
|
N
|
SRB
|
1
|
5929
|
107
|
2
|
4142
|
138
|
3+
|
1196
|
147
|
Table 1 SRB by
sex of the previous children
|
Birth Order |
Sex composition
of existing Children |
N |
Number of female
birth per 1000 male birth |
SRB Hospitalised
Deliveries |
SRBNFHS –2[Delhi] |
|
2nd
order |
One male child |
2091 |
959 |
1.04 |
1.08 |
|
One female child |
2075 |
542 |
1.85 |
1.21 |
|
|
3rd
Order |
One male child
and one female child |
391 |
558 |
1.79 |
1.03 |
|
Two male
children |
161 |
894 |
1.12 |
0.87 |
|
|
Two female
children |
474 |
219 |
4.56 |
1.56 |
In the sample the average
age of mother is 25. 73 years and that of the father is 29.19. The table 4
shows direct relation of high sex ratio at birth with the increasing age of
parents. However this is inconclusive as the increase in SRB could be due to high
SRB in higher birth orders as suggested in the figure 2.
Table
4 Age of
parents
|
Age of mother [Number of
birth] |
SRB |
Number of female
birth per 1000 male birth |
Age of father [Number of
birth] |
SRB |
Number of female
birth per 1000 male birth |
|
Less than 24
years [3371] |
1.11 |
902 |
Less than 27
years |
1.16 |
860 |
|
Between 24 and
28 [ 5631] |
1.26 |
792 |
Between 27 and
32 |
1.23 |
814 |
|
More than 28 [2325] |
1.58 |
634 |
More than 32 |
1.6 |
627 |
Table 3 describes SRB of
first born by mother’s age. SRB of younger mothers [less than the sample
average age of mother for the first order birth] for the first child falls
within the normal range of universal SRB. However there is increase in SRB for
more aged mothers for the first order of birth showing that some sex selective
abortions of girls are happening even for the first order of birth, when the
mothers age at first birth is increasing.
SRB is increased from 1.05 to 1.08 when the first order birth for the higher
age group mother, which is categorised above and below the sample average.
Table
3 SRB for the first order of birth by mother’s
age
|
|
N |
SRB |
Number of female
birth per 1000 male birth |
|
Age of the
mother less than 23.94 years |
2769 |
1.05 |
949 |
|
Age of the
mother more than 23.94 years* |
3205 |
1.08 |
926 |
The table 4 illustrates
the SRB of current birth according to mother’s religion. All the major
religions except Muslim religion show higher than universal sex ratio at birth.
The severity is stronger among the ‘other religions’ category compared to
Hindus and Muslims community. However it should be noted that 66.2% of the
information of the current birth and 67.8% of the existing children in the
‘other religions’ group is that of the Sikh community. The similar trends are
followed when we consider the over all sex ratio of all existing children,
though with much less severity. The lesser severity sex ratio for all the
children reveals family organisation practices to achieve the desirable sex
composition of children.
|
Religion |
N |
Number of female birth per
1000 male birth |
SRB |
Number of existing
children including the current birth |
Sex Ratio of existing
children |
|
Hindu |
10308 |
781 |
1.28 |
16492 |
1.06 |
|
Muslim |
442 |
982 |
1.02 |
826 |
0.86 |
|
Other Religions |
500 |
713 |
1.40 |
772 |
1.23 |
Table 4 Sex Ratio at Birth according to religion
Table 5 SRB
by
education of parents
|
|
Mother |
Father |
Both Parents |
|||||||||||||||
|
N |
SRB |
No. of female birth per 1000 male
births |
N |
SRB |
No. of female birth per 1000 male
births |
N |
SRB |
No. of female birth per 1000 male
births |
||||||||||
0 to 7years of schooling
[up to middle school complete] |
897 |
1.27 |
787 |
415 |
1.15 |
869 |
271 |
1.02 |
978 |
|||||||||
|
8 to
10 years of schooling [<middle
school to high school complete] |
2383 |
1.33 |
755 |
1059 |
1.43 |
702 |
1059 |
1.42 |
703 |
|||||||||
|
11 to
15 years of schooling [<high school to graduate] |
6177 |
1.25 |
803 |
7047 |
1.23 |
814 |
4795 |
1.22 |
822 |
|||||||||
|
More
than 15 years of education [higher
than graduate education] |
1897 |
1.28 |
780 |
1820 |
1.30 |
769 |
948 |
1.30 |
769 |
|||||||||
Occupation of Parents
The table 6 shows different pattern of SRB for father and mother according to their different occupational status. Mother’s better employment status has a positive impact on SRB [as reflected by the declining masculinity of SRB] as it moves from mothers who are not working outside home to those are employed in high end job professional job.
|
Employment
status of mother |
N |
SRB |
Number of female
birth per 1000 male birth |
|
High-end
professional job |
469 |
1.19 |
839 |
|
Employed |
981 |
1.24 |
809 |
|
Not working
outside home |
9904 |
1.28 |
783 |
Further analysis of SRB among educated mothers [higher secondary complete and above] categorised according their employment status is also showing association of SRB with mothers’ employment status [Figure 3]. SRB for mothers who are employed is 1.21 [827 girls per 1000 boys] compared to those who are not working outside home [787 girls per 1000 boys].
![]() |
Father’s employment status, the SRB value does not show any
such trends, as seen in the case of mothers [table 7]. In contrast to low SRB
among mothers with high-end professional jobs, SRB is relatively high when
father is having high-end professional employment.
Table
7 SRB by Occupation of Father
|
Employment
status of Father |
N |
SRB |
Number of female
birth per 1000 male birth |
|
High end
professional job |
645 |
1.29 |
777 |
|
Employed |
6930 |
1.26 |
793 |
|
Business |
2896 |
1.26 |
796 |
|
Employed in the
unorganised sector |
644 |
1.36 |
736 |
Analysis of SRB according to both the parent’s occupation
reinstate the fact that SRB is consistently masculine when mother are not
employed outside home.
|
Occupation of father |
Occupation of Mother |
N |
SRB |
Number of female birth per 1000 male birth |
|
High-end professional job |
Employed |
197 |
1.17 |
859 |
|
High-end professional job |
Domestic Work |
448 |
1.35 |
743 |
|
Business + Farmer |
Employed |
196 |
1.25 |
847 |
|
Business + Farmer |
Domestic work |
2815 |
1.26 |
800 |
|
Employed |
Employed |
1050 |
1.22 |
823 |
|
Employed |
Domestic work |
6524 |
1.28 |
783 |
In our analysis of ten-year hospital birth data of Delhi shows increasing trends in SRB from 1993-94 period and then stabilises after 1997-98 period. The information assumes importance when we relate this data with another set of birth data of hospitalised deliveries of Delhi collected by Registrar General’s office for five-year period of 1987 –92 [Raju and Premi, 1992]. The study, based on about 35000 hospitalised births noted an increase in SRB from 1.06 in the initial year to 1.09 in the last year. The present study also shows the continuation of such trend up to the year 1997/98. The SRB of overall births of Delhi estimated from the NFHS 1 [for the period 1978-92] and NFHS 2 [for the period 1984-98] also shows an increase from 1.11 to 1.12 [Retherford, Roy 2003]
From 1997-98 period onwards the sex ratio is hovering around 860 female birth per 1000 male birth. This is slightly worse than the child sex ratio of 865 according to 2001 census for the state of Delhi. Even at this level the SRB is at a dangerous point to produce serious social consequences in the coming future. However it should be kept in mind that our estimate of hospital data has been from large hospitals of Delhi, which may tend to differ from that of smaller nursing homes, though we argue otherwise.
It is unclear that whether the stabilization of sex ratio from 1997-98 period has any relation to the PNDT Act 1994, which came in to existence from 1996 onwards. If at all we attribute the stabilization factor to the 1994 Act, it could only able to arrest further spread of misuse of technology and could not reduce the level of malpractice that had been already happening.
Existence of intensive son
preference is evident from the estimation of SRB according to the order of
birth and sex composition of the previous children. Most of the sex selective
abortions are occurring for the second or higher order of birth when the
previous children are females. There is also evidence that some amounts of sex
selective abortions of girls are taking place for the third order birth even
while the families have existing children of both the sexes. NFHS-2 survey
[2000] has reported that women in Delhi wanted more number of sons than the
daughters. It shows that for an average ideal family size of 2.4 children, the
desired number of sons is 1.2 and daughters is 0.9 and 0.3 of either sex. It
also reports that the proportion of women
expressing desire for a son increases with the number of living children. Among
women with two living children, 71 percent want their next child to be a son,
10 percent want a daughter, and only 19 percent say that the sex of the child
is up to God or does not matter.
Pressure on families to have male children is clearly evident from table 1 showing SRB by order of birth and sex of previous children. It also helps us to visualize the picture of the probable nature of India’s population under any coercive population control policies. Experience of China shows that coercive population control policies did reduce couple’s demand for children, but did not change their attitude towards having male children [Wen 1992, Zhirong [2000]. Any vigorous measures for control of population growth in India will be disastrous for the SRB, which will be highly skewed against females.
The ideal sex ratio [the
ratio of ideal number of sons to ideal number of daughters] and actual sex
ratio at birth are tend to be opposite in direction for the Muslim religion.
According to NFHS 2 [2000] report for the state of Delhi, the indicators for
the son preference [desire to have son] is highest among the Muslim women
compared to both Hindu and Sikh women. The hospital data shows that in spite of
their high desire to have a son; the actual practice of sex selection is rare
among Muslim community. This behavior needs to be studied further.
The impact of parent’s
education on SRB appears to be rather inconclusive. Analysis shows a better SRB
values for parents who are educated more than 10 years compared to those who
are less educated. In the NFHS 2 report [2000] for the state of Delhi has also
noted that the son preference [as indicated by the percentage who want more
sons than daughters] is relatively week among mothers with high school or more
of education and also for women whose husbands had completed higher secondary school.
However a detailed analysis of the hospital data shows that for parents who are
educated [more than 10 years of education] SRB is increasing with increase in
education. The data also illustrates a better SRB for parents who have minimal
level of education [less than 5 years of schooling].
This finding contradicts
the popular belief that education helps to bring down the gender disparities.
The probable explanation for this unexpected finding is the decreasing levels
of fertility among the educated women forcing families to resort to sex
selective abortions to have their desired number of sons in a small family.
SRB according to
employment status of mothers suggest the influence of women’s economic
empowerment in shaping the family organization strategies. Women who are not
working outside home show worse SRB figures compared to those who are employed.
Comparison of SRB figures according to the women’s employment status and number
of years of education strengthens the argument that even improvements in women’s
education unless resulted in employment and therefore economic empowerment, may
not alter the status of women in the society.
A community based study of sex selective abortions in the state of
Maharashtra also noted that women who seek abortions for sex selective reasons
appear to be differ from other abortion seekers; they have lesser autonomy,
weaker decision making power within the households and therefore more
vulnerable to produce male heirs [Ganatra,2001].
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